In the Qur’an, human distinctiveness was first questioned by angels. These established denizens of the cosmos could not understand why God would create a seemingly pernicious human when immaculate devotees of God such as themselves existed. In other words, the angels asked the age-old question: what makes humans so special and different? Fast forward to our present age and this question is made relevant again in light of the encroaching arrival of an artificial superintelligence (ASI). Up to this point in (...) history, humans have exceeded other creatures in various respects; now a possibility has arisen that another entity, namely ASI, will exceed humans at least on the level of intelligence and power. In relation to the age of angels, pre-modern Sunni exegesis construed human distinctiveness along the axes of reproductive knowledge and stewardship. Both brittle, distinguishing markers will disappear in the age of the ASI. Conversely, a more resilient and creative Islamic response can be derived from Ibn al-ʿArabī’s (d. 1240) views on God and the imago Dei. Inspired by the Akbarian perspective, this paper construes human distinctiveness in relation to a capacity to expansively respond to God’s love to be recognized, a response that relies on (a) imitating divine virtues that operate in counterintuitive and illogical ways, and (b) exhibiting fragility and lack rather than exceptionalism. ASI, while responding already in part to God’s love, needs to make strides towards these traits before it can answer divine love as commensurately as humans can. (shrink)

The dominant approach to understanding Islamic Business Ethics has been based almost exclusively on either interpretations of the Qur’an and Sunna or influenced by Western understanding of Islam and ethics. However, there is a rich—largely ignored-tradition of ethical analysis conducted by Muslim philosophers which would broaden our understanding of Islamic ethics and hence IBE. We seek to correct this imbalance by examining works of Al-Ghazali, an early Muslim philosopher, scholar, and mystic. His approach to Sufism, combining an interpretation of revelation (...) with reason, can contribute to new developments in business ethics scholarship and practice especially in Muslim communities. His thought portrays a vibrant work ethic that, while based in Sufism, has important practical implications for business. We argue that including such historically and contextually recognized perspectives in our understanding of BE, both in theory and in practice, would work well with an audience that looks to Islam as a source of justice and proper moral conduct. (shrink)

This is an era when the Islamic World is making a range of attempts to redefine itself and to grapple with the challenges of modernity. Many schools of thought have emerged which seek to position modern Islam within the context of a rapidly changing contemporary world. Exploring and defining the relationship between religion and knowledge, Ismail Rafi Al-Faruqi, a distinguished 20th century Arab-American scholar of Islam, formulated ideas which have made substantial contributions to the Islam-and-modernity discourse. His review of the (...) interaction between Islam and knowledge examines the philosophy behind this relationship, and the ways in which Islam can relate to our understanding of science, the arts, architecture, technology and other knowledge-based fields of enquiry. This book includes contributions from Seyyed Hossein Nasr, John Esposito, Charles Fletcher and others, and will prove an essential reference point for scholars of Islam and students of philosophy and comparative religion. (shrink)

This is an era when the Islamic World is making a range of attempts to redefine itself and to grapple with the challenges of modernity. Many schools of thought have emerged which seek to position modern Islam within the context of a rapidly changing contemporary world. Exploring and defining the relationship between religion and knowledge, Ismail Rafi Al-Faruqi, a distinguished 20th century Arab-American scholar of Islam, formulated ideas which have made substantial contributions to the Islam-and-modernity discourse. His review of the (...) interaction between Islam and knowledge examines the philosophy behind this relationship, and the ways in which Islam can relate to our understanding of science, the arts, architecture, technology and other knowledge-based fields of enquiry. This book includes contributions from Seyyed Hossein Nasr, John Esposito, Charles Fletcher and others, and will prove an essential reference point for scholars of Islam and students of philosophy and comparative religion. (shrink)

Muḥammad Bāqir ibn Muḥammad Dāmād, 1631?. Taqwim al- īmān - Criticism and interpretation; Islamic philosophy - Early works to 1800.

Nazariyat, Journal for the History of Islamic Philosophy and Sciences, issued twice a year in English and Turkish (Nazariyat İslam Felsefe ve Bilim Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi), is a refereed international journal. It publishes original studies, critical editions of classical texts and book reviews on Islamic philosophy, kalām, theoretical aspects of Sufism and the history of sciences. The goal of Nazariyat is to contribute to the discovery, examination and reinterpretation of the theoretical traditions in the history of Islamic thought, by giving (...) special attention to the post-classical period of it. **ISSN: 2148-8088 E-ISBN: 2547-9415**. (shrink)

RESUMEN: Este trabajo considera la conceptualización y aplicación de la figura de los ajustes razonables en Qatar tras nueve años desde la ratificación de la Convención sobre los Derechos de las Personas con Discapacidad (CDPD). En él se trata de analizar la situación de igualdad y no discriminación de las personas con discapacidad utilizando como medida de impacto la figura de ajustes razonables. El artículo destaca las principales fallas y virtudes del Estado de Qatar respecto a esta figura y traza (...) un camino a fin de poder avanzar en la inclusión de las personas con discapacidad a la luz de la CDPD. ABSTRACT: This paper considers the conceptualization and application of reasonable acommodation in Qatar after nine years since the ratification of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD). It analyzes the situation of equality and non-discrimination of people with disabilities using the figure of reasonable adjustments as an impact measure. The article highlights the main failures and virtues of the State of Qatar regarding reasonable accommodation and draws a path to move forward in the inclusion of people with disabilities in the light of the CRPD. PALABRAS CLAVE: ajustes razonables, igualdad, CDPD, Qatar. KEYWORDS: reasonable accommodation, equality, CRPD, Qatar. (shrink)

Mamluks reigned in Egypt a long time is an era of Kipchak Turks that have influence management, and Kipchak Turks has been influential in a period in the administration there. During this period, that Turkish rulers do not know Arabic language well, Turkish language is spoken in the palace and also idea of being closer to Turkish manager screated an interest in learning. One of the famous scholars realizing that interest is Abū Ḥayyān al-Andalusī. Abū Ḥayyān by learning Turkish language (...) especially from Fakhr al-dīn Divrigi and analysing written previously works, wrote Kitāb al-Idrāk li-lisān al-Atrāk. This book has consisted of introduction, vocabulary and grammar section. We also aimed in our study to examine Kitāb al-Idrāk in terms of content and than in terms of lexicography of the linguistic branch. -/- SUMMARY Mamluks reigned in Egypt a long time and in its reign Kipchak Turks had influence in management. Because of the Turkish rulers who have military background did not know Arabic language well, Turkish language was spoken in the palace and also idea of being closer of scholars and notable people to Turkish rulers got brought an interest in learning Turkish. One of the famous scholars realizing that interest is Abū Ḥayyān al-Andalusī (d. 745/ 1344). The true name of Abū Ḥayyān is Muḥammed b. Yūsuf b. Ali b. Ḥayyān al-Tawḥīdī and he is an Andalusian linguist and exegete. Abū Ḥayyān who came from a Berber family born in the Matahsharesh village of Granada in 654/1256 and died in Cairo in 28th time 745 (11 July 1344). There is not much information about his family in the sources, but it is mentioned that he has a daughter whose name is Nada, a son named Hayyân in his name, and some grandchildren which are named Muḥammad and Ummu Ḥayyān. Abū Ḥayyān became a famous as Ethīr al-dīn and at the same time, he is also known as Naḥvī, Ghirnātī (Granadian), Ceyyānī, and Nafzī. He took lessons in Granada from great scholars such as Abd al-ḥaķ b. Ali al-Anṣarī, Abū Ḥasan al-Ubbezī, Abū Cafer Aḥmed b. Ibrahīm b. Zubair, Ibn Abū al-Ahvas and became a proficient scholar and teacher in matters such as morphology, syntax, language, commentary, hadith, methodology of Fiqh and Kalām. He wrote about 18 works in different sciences and if we mention some of that are al-Baḥr al-muhīt, al-Nahr al-mād, Tuhfat al-arīb bimā fī al-Qur'ān min al-gharīb and some of his works have reached to our time and some of those did not. Abū Ḥayyān left Andalus for various reasons and visited many centers of science and eventually continued his scientific activities in Cairo. Abū Hayyān, who is a great interest in learning languages, has learned Turkish language with the other popular languages ​​such as Persian, Amharic and Himyarite language and written books about these languages. His mainly works about Turkish language are the Kitāb al-Idrāk li-lisān al-Atrāk, Zehv al-mulk fi naḥv al-Turk, al-Af'al fi lisān al-Turk and al-Durret al-mudiyye fi lughat al-Turkiyye. These works did not reach to our days except Kitāb al-Idrak. Kitāb al-Idrāk consists of three sections, namely introduction, dictionary which includes 2200 words, and grammar that is composed of morphology and syntax and this book which is known as al-Idrāk is written in the Turkish which is spoken in XIV-XVI century tongue and named as Middle Turkish Period-Mamluk Kipchak Turkish. The first chapter begins with basmala and continues with detailed his genealogy, personal record, praise to Allah and salawat and salaam to Prophet Muhammad. After this introduction, it is explained the intention of writing this work. The second chapter is a dictionary which the words are explained in alphabetical order. Although Abū Ḥayyān speaks about 23 letters in the Kipchak alphabet, he does not explain the words related to all, but examines 19 items. In this dictionary, it does not take part some letters, that is letters sā, zāl, zā (letters of lips which is written in English th); letters dâd, ayn, fa (letters of throat) which Arabs use. In the third chapter, there is a part of the tasrif (knowledge of morphology) which is generally called knowledge of morphology today. In this section, it is dealt with about the types of words namely, name of diminutive, name of belonging name, plural, agent name, passive name, exaggerated factor name, infinitive, name indicating the location, name of device, arbitrary name, and idâd (which adds are derivation of noun from name like lık, lik at the end of the word) and then it comes to the end with shadda. Section of syntax which is called by the author as consisted of compound and is prepared according to systematic of Arabic grammar begins with the sentence structure in Kipchak language. After that it continues with definite-ambiguous names, verb (orders, past, imperfect verbs), subject-predicate in nominal sentence, nevāsiḫ (additional actions helped change the meaning of the noun phrase), Arabic leyte which express by the actual wish mold and the like, such as two mef'ūl area of ​​the heart of verbs in Arabic told (I think) were deaf ( Turkmen thinks he), acts like it yet scientists (verb phrase in), acts offender (verb-subject), the abutment of the verb nefiy prepositions, prepositions, the nehiy (ban), passive verbs and naib-i fail (so-called subject); other elements of the sentence, called the act müteallakat are: cognate accusativ, direct object, time period (time complement), the envelope space (located complement), state (envelope), causative object, the exception, the specification, conflict of laws, the annexation, the oat, the dependencies: adjective, conjunction, confirm, the apposition; conditional structure. After these, he mentions to letters of meanings (huruf al-maani), and concludes this chapter with information about the date, place, and name of the author of the book. Abū Hayyān used induction method in the book. Since he gave the forms of the words in double, then the triple, quadruple, quintet and other forms. He tried to teach the pronunciation of words by explaining the etymology of word sand the changes of the voices. He examined the words which are synonyms/ contrasted, synonym voice, singular/plural, and words that are passed by foreign languages into Turkish dialects then they are turned into Turkish word structure; brought out witnesses from proverbs and poetries. As a result, in this work, which consists of dictionary and grammar sections, it can be said that it is used predominantly in linguistic information - translation method . (shrink)

RésuméCet article traite d’une solution au tristement célèbre paradoxe du menteur, généralement connu dans la littérature arabe sous le nom de Maġlaṭat al-ǧaḏr al-aṣamm. La solution est donnée dans un traité ottoman du XVe siècle attribué, entre autres, à Ḫaṭībzāde Muḥyiddīn Efendī. L’article la compare également à la solution du philosophe persan contemporain, Ǧalāl al-Dīn al-Dawānī. Le court traité consacré au paradoxe est l’un des rares ouvrages des Ottomans sur le sujet et il aborde de manière exhaustive le paradoxe sous (...) ses deux formes. En tant qu’analyse de la solution offerte par le traité au paradoxe, l’article fait connaître à l’érudition contemporaine les discussions ottomanes sur le menteur, et il contribue à combler le vide évident dans la littérature sur le paradoxe dans la pensée islamique. (shrink)

Kelâm tarihi göz önüne alındığında belli parametrelere göre farklı dönemlere ayrıldığı görülmektedir. Bunlardan en çok bilinen dönemlendirmeye göre Cüveynî ile başlayan kelâmın felsefileşme evresi Gazzâlî ile ivme kazanmış ve Fahreddîn er-Râzî ile kemale ermiştir. Felsefi dönem kelâm âlimlerinden birisi de Ebü’s-Senâ el-İsfahânî’dir. Kelâmın yönteminin kusursuzlaşması ve delillerinin kesinliğinin artması noktasında kaleme aldığı eserleriyle bu alana yaptığı katkı göz ardı edilemeyecek durumdadır. Kelâmın felsefileşmesiyle beraber içerik ve yöntem olarak değişen konulardan biri olan tenzîhî sıfatlar meselesinde İsfahânî’nin felsefi yöntemi kullandığı bariz bir (...) şekilde anlaşılmaktadır. Bu bağlamda o, tenzîhî sıfatları felsefi bir ifade olan “zorunlu varlık” kavramı üzerinden ispat etmeye çalışmaktadır. Ayrıca İbn Sînâcı gelenekten de haberdar olan İsfahânî, “Allah’ın zâtının aklî lezzetlerle vasıflanabileceği” şeklindeki görüşüyle bu hususta belli ölçüde de olsa kelâmcıların bakış açısını terk edip filozofların görüşünü benimsediği görülmektedir. Bu makalede İsfahânî’nin konu hakkındaki görüşleri ve Fahreddîn er-Râzî özelinde kelâmcılara itirazları değerlendirilecektir. (shrink)

This study deals with the sceptical arguments by one of the most important figures in the philosophical Sufi tradition (the Akbarian school) and the foremost disciple of Ibn ʿArabī, Ṣadr al‐Dīn al‐Qūnawī. Though not a sceptic in the strict sense, Qūnawī employs sceptical arguments from relativity of rational knowledge and disagreement among philosophers to prove inefficacy of reason and rational procedures of knowledge in terms of achieving certain knowledge of metaphysical matters, namely of God and the ultimate principles of things. (...) The paper questions Qūnawī's implicit assumption that, if there is disagreement on a proposition p, then p is relative and thus cannot provide certain knowledge. It aims to philosophically analyse and assess his scepticism as well as to shed light on the largely unknown terrain of scepticism in the mediaeval Islamic world. (shrink)

The Sufyānī narration, which is also referred in some studies carried out today, is mentioned in the early Shiite and Sunnī sources. The anticipated savior perception of the period has an important place in understanding the Sufyānī narrations in the emergence process of which political and sectarian events were effective. Narrations stating that the Mahdī named Muḥammad, one of the descendants of the Prophet Muḥammad (pbuh), would appear in the end of times and establish justice by bringing order to the (...) world where oppression, injustice and inequity have spread, were effective in the political and social life after the Prophet (pbuh). The emergence of the Sufyānī narrations, whose intellectual infrastructure was constituted by the expected Mahdī perception that is effective in the society, was the result of the political conflicts of the period. The death of Muʻāwiya ibn Yazīd (d. 64/684), the third Caliph of the Umayyad State, without leaving a crown behind caused a political crisis. The cousin of the Muʻāwiya II, Marwān bin al-Ḥakam, the experienced politician who turned this moment of crisis into an opportunity and who was from the same dynasty but from a different family, took over the administration and thus the sultanate continued. Although the reign continued from the sons of Umayyad, the administration passed from sons of Sufyān to the sons of Marwān, who were from the same dynasty. This situation caused discomfort in Sufyānīs. Thus, Muʻāwiya II's brother Khālid ibn Yazīd, whose right of administration was seized from him, with the intention of gaining his lost reputation in the society and turning the pessimism towards his family into hope and desire, has been claimed to spread the savior Sufyānī narrations expected from the sons of Sufyān, parallel to the Mahdī narrations expected from the sons of Alī, which was influential in the society. Thus, the Sufyānī came to be expected like the expected Mahdī, who was influential in society and exploited by the Shiite sects in their own belief systems. The rebellions carried out by the sons of Sufyān against the administration in the 2nd century hijrī and afterwards were conceived as the appearance of the Sufyānī expected by the society and the person who led the rebellion was described as Sufyānī. The most important of these rebellions is the revolt of ʻAlī ibn Abdullah ibn Khālid nicknamed Abū ʻAmayṭar, formed by the coalition of sons of ʻAlī and sons of Sufyān who descend from the sons of Umayya. Abū ʻAmayṭar, who is considered to be the Sufyānī and some sections of whose life constitute a source for many narrations on the Sufyānī, declared his caliphate during the period of Abbasī Caliph al-Amīn (d. 198/813) and called for allegiance to himself. The announcement of his caliphate was considered by his supporters as the expected savior. The period of Abū ʻAmayṭar and the sayings about him are extremely important in terms of presenting the expected savior perception in the society, the Sufyānī understanding and the date of his emergence. Sections from Abū ʻAmayṭar's life reflected in the narrations about the Sufyānī in many Shiite and Sunnī sources. In this article, it is tried to examine the emergence of the Sufyānī narrations, its development and particularly its transformation within the Shiite sect, in a detailed manner and especially based on political and sectarian events of the early period. (shrink)

This article analyzes the position of Ibn Hilāl, who is regarded as nāsıbī and ghālī, in the science of Shia rijāl, his reports and the validity of the accusations against him. It is found that narrators are criticized for various reasons in the science of Shiʻa rijāl. Some of them are the Shiite followers that the imams cursed and wanted to be kept away from their adherence. It is seen that the narrations reported by some of the narrators are included (...) in the main sources of Shiite hadith, albeit these narrators were cursed by the innocent imams. Ahmed Ibn Hilāl (d. 267/880) is one of these narrators cursed by the imams and his name is found in the report (the isnād) of many early narrations. Ibn Hilāl, one of the close companions of Shia's 10th imam Ali b. Muḥammed al-Hādī (d. 254/868) and 11th imam Ḥasan al-ʻAskarī (d. 260/874), was first cursed by the letter of al-Askarī allegedly sent, and the Shiite followers were ordered to move away from him. Ibn Hilāl refused to accept the ambassadoriality of Muḥammed b. Osman (d. 305/918), the ambassador of the 12th Imam. Thus, he was cursed by Muḥammad al-Mahdī as well. In later periods, Ibn Hilāl was accused of being nāsıbī and ghālī. However, there are also some Shiite scholars who supported (tavthîk) Ibn Hilāl. In the Shi'a tradition, Nāsibism indicated the meaning of hating ʻAli and Ahl al-bayt or feeling anger towards them. Later on, this meaning has been changed into a meaning including the haters of ʻAli and then the Shiʻa Nāsibism is regarded as a position towards Shiʻa outside of Shiʻa. Ghulāt is a form of a belief generally found in the Shi'a tradition. In the belief of Ghulāt, holiness is attributed to the imams. When the Shiite sources are examined, it can be seeb that Ibn Hilāl represents neither a ghālī nor a nāsıbī position. In the Shiʻa, when the narrator leaves his sect, his narrations are evaluated differently. Therefore, among Ibn Hilāl's narrations only those which narrated before he left can be accepted. The likely reason for this attitude can be those narrators such as Ibn Hilāl brought in many narrations to the Shiite hadith literature. Ibn Bābeveyh and Sheikh Sadūk reported many narrations that includes Ibn Hilāl in their report chain (the isnad). Among these narrations, they criticized only one. Again, in the 4th century of Hijrī, Numānī, al-Hazzāz, Ibn Qavlaveyh and Mufīd reported many narrations transmitted by Ibn Hilāl. However, none of them mentioned about the negative perception on Ibn Hilāl in any of these narrations. This shows that Ibn Hilāl was not regarded as nāsıbī or ghālī in the eyes of the these scholars. As regards to, Tūsī, in the 5th century after Hijra, claimed that Ibn Hilāl was a ghālī and he was accused of being an adherent to this religion. He narrated in sum fifty narrations that included Ibn Hilāl in the report chain, but Tūsī criticized only three of them because of including Ibn Hilāl. The reason why Ibn Hilāl was accused of being nāsıbī and ghālī, which Shiʻa deemed the worst, was probably related to the political conditions of that period. On the other hand, there is no report that Ibn Hilāl shared a nāsıbī and ghālī thought or had a tendency towards them. It is obvious that if Ibn Hilâl, who has an important place in the eyes of the Shiite community, does not accept the second ambassador of al-Mahdī, and that this would cause discord among the followers. This complex situation was tried to be remedied by letters alleged to have been written by the imams, cursing Ibn Hilâl and ordering them to stay away from him. Later, Ibn Hilāl was accused of being a nāsıbî or ghālī who expressed the attitudes and thoughts that Shiʻa saw the most distant from him. Sadūk first reported the narration that Ibn Hilāl was Nāsıbî. Tūsī, on the other hand, described Ibn Hilāl as ghālī in the 5th century (after hijra). This study tries to reveal that there is no explicit evidence that proves Ibn Hilāl’s nāsıbī or ghālī position. (shrink)

The science of Eloquence (Balāgha) has an important place in understanding the characterictic of Arabic language and its mysteries. The Qurʾān, which was a miracle in word, was sent down together with Islam, and at that time the Arabs, who were at the top of their game in rhetorics and eloquence, were challenged with this book. As a matter of fact, the society that was its interlocutor at the time of the Qurʾān's revelation was a very successful society in terms (...) of Eloquence and Clarity (of expression/faṣāḥa). The Qur'ān itself is full of testimonials to its eloquence and clarity. Its features such stylistics that even its opponents are astonished by it. And it was historically demonstrated that they are incapable of producing anything like it, except that they were amazed. The literary beauties hidden in the verses of the Qur'ān can only be seen, understood, and appreciated through the science of eloquence. In this respect, the philological tools, be they Ṣarf and Naḥw or Balāgha, are very impostant for the correct understanding of the Qur'ān. Every chapter of the Qurʾān contains many literary arts in terms of the science of Eloquence. For example, it has been said that the Fatiha sūrah, the first sūrah of the Holy Qur'ān, is a very rich sūrah in literary terms. This literary richness of the Fatiha sūrah has clearly influenced its meaning indirectly. In this way, only the literary arts of the Fātiḥa Sūra, which were mentioned in the exegetical work of Abū Ḥayyān called " al-Baḥr al-muḥīṭ", were introduced and explained. Our aim around this work is to investigate the contributions of literary arts on verses in terms of meaning within the science of eloquence(balāgha). The literary arts mentioned in the study were studied and examined from various sources related to Arabic language and Eloquence science in general, and the information and findings obtained about these arts are given here. The information and determinations obtained about these arts are also included here. The formation of these literary arts in general took place in line with the analysis of more than one verse body in the Surah of Fatiha in terms of the science of eloquence and the depth of meaning it added to syntax in the semantic context. The subject matters were briefly stated and it was mentioned where and how these arts emerged in the verse. In this study, we endeavored to present a brief account of the science and arts of eloquence, and tried to demonstrate the effects of literary arts within the verses of the surah. Finally, we strove to explain how important these literary arts are in terms of understanding the Qurʾān throughout the study. (shrink)

Memlûk Devleti’nin kuruluş yılları ile ilgili literatürde pek çok çalışma mevcuttur. Bunlar genellikle sultanların memlûk kökenli olmalarından dolayı devletin meşruiyeti meselesini merkeze almaktadırlar. Memlûkların bu sorunu aşmak için kendilerini İslam’ın koruyucuları kimliğiyle öne çıkardıkları anlatılmaktadır. Bu anlatıma göre İslam’ın koruyucusu olmak ileride kuracakları müstakil devletlerini meşrulaştıracaktı. Ancak bu argüman, devletin oluşumunu büyük oranda Haçlı-Moğol saldırıları gibi dışsal unsurlara karşı yapılan başarılı mücadelelere bağlamaktadır. Bu durum Memlûk Devleti’nin oluşumunun ardında yatan pek çok nedenin göz ardı edilmesine neden olmaktadır. Devletin dışsal unsurlara (...) karşı yürüttüğü mücadelelerden meşruiyet devşirdiği kabul edilmekle birlikte, bu çalışma, hizipler arası çekişmelere odaklanarak bu mücadeleler dolayısıyla devletin dinamik bir hâl aldığını ortaya koymaktadır. Bu bakımdan Memlûk iktidarının kendi içindeki dönüşümünde Eyyûbîler zamanında beri faal olan hizipler arası mücadele dikkate alınmak durumundadır. Ayrıca Memlûklar’da sıklıkla bahsedilen argümanlar arasında bulunan sultan öldürerek sultan olmak gibi anlatımlar mevcut olmasına rağmen devlet sisteminin işleyişinde herkes tarafından bilinen ve yazılı olmayan kaidelerden olan seçkin emîrlerin belirleyici gücü dikkate alınmalıdır. Zira bu ıskalandığında hizipler arası mücadelelerin getirdiği neticeler de göz ardı edilecektir. Bu kaidelerde/sistemde yalnızca sultan değişmiyor aynı zamanda iktidarda bulunan seçkin elit kadroda da bir dizi değişiklikler hasıl oluyordu. Sultan ve seçkin emîrler arasındaki otokrasi-oligarşi çatışması her daim yaşanmaktaydı. Ne zaman ki oligarşik gücü sağlayan emîrlerden biri sultan olur, işte o zaman sultan ile seçkin emîrler arasında iktidar mücadelesi başlardı. Bu durumda sultan açmazda kalarak otoritesini ihdas edebilmek amacıyla kendisine yeni bir hizip kurardı. Dolayısıyla Memlûk Devleti’nin oluşumu noktasında hizipler arası mücadele devletin oluşumunu ve iktidarın değişimini sağlayan en önemli etkenlerdendi. Nitekim resmen olmasa da de facto olarak Âdiliyye, Kâmiliyye ve Sâlihiyye gibi memlûk hiziplerinin de devlet gücünü ellerinde tuttukları bilinen bir gerçektir. Diğer taraftan bu çalışma, süreç içerisinde Sâlihiyye-Bahriyye memlûklarının devletleşmesini sağlayan koşulları bütünsel bir yaklaşımla ele almaktadır. Ayrıca sultanın memlûkları (el-memâlikü’s-sultaniyye) ile hûşdâşları arasındaki gerilimin iktidarın el değiştirmesini nasıl etkilediğini tartışmaktadır. Spesifik olarak Bahriyye-Muʿizziyye arasındaki mücadeleye odaklanan bu çalışma, Memlûk devletinin kuruluş yıllarında iktidarın oluşumu, sürdürülmesi ve değişiminin nasıl gerçekleştiğini incelemektedir. Son olarak çalışmada genel olarak erken Memlûk dönemine ait kronikler ve hususi olarak Memlûk sultanlık anlayışına hasredilmiş çalışmalar sadedinde sultan-seçkin emîrler arasındaki arka plan çatışmaları, iktidar devşirmeleri vb. hadiselerin devletin oluş-bozuluşunda oynadığı rol esas alınmaktadır. (shrink)

[1] Peraḳim 1-2 -- [2] Peraḳim 3-4 -- [3] Peraḳim 5-6 -- ḥeleḳ 5. ʻArukh lefi parasiyot ha-shavuʻa.

İslâm teoloji/kelâm geleneğinin filizlenmeye başladığı dönem, yoğun siyasi gelişmelerin, iç savaşların, hilafet tartışmalarının yaşandığı bir evrenin yanısıra, kendisinden önce üretilen fizikî, felsefî ve dinsel anlamda yaşanan gelişmelerle paralel bir sülûk izlemiştir. Bu anlamda kelâm tartışmalarının siyasi olgu ve olaylar kadar, fikrî anlamda tarihsel bağlam etrafında incelenmesi gerekmektedir. Bu çalışmada, Müslüman kelâm geleneğinde Mu’tezile’nin; nasıl, hangi şartlarda ve nelere itiraz ederek ortaya çıktığı, teoloji anlayışlarında neleri slogan haline getirdiği incelenecektir. Buna istinaden Grek geleneğinde üretilen felsefî metinler bilhassa atomculuk tartışmaları, Hıristiyan ve (...) Zerdüşt teolojisi, Mu’tezile’nin tarihsel bağlamda nasıl tepkisini çekti ve apolojik anlamda ne tür karşı koyuşlara sebebiyet verdiği tafsilatlı olarak tartışılacaktır. Kelâm problemleri ya da tartışmaları sadece i’tikâd boyutunda ele alındığında gayet tabii eksik kalacaktır. Bu amaçla Mu’tezile’nin beş esasından biri sayılan tevhid anlayışının o dönemin bağlamında hangi tartışmalara karşı reddiye nitelikli olduğu, ayrıntılarıyla ve tarihsel süreçten kopmaksızın din ve düşüncelerin birbirleriyle olan ilişkisi nispetinde değerlendirilecektir. (shrink)

Each narration or text, as it informs about an event, situation or person in history, has a history that sheds light on both its formation and how it arrived to us. The illumination of this history is at least as important as the content analysis of the information. For this reason, it is necessary both to examine whether the source in which the information is given has survived to the present day as it was created by the author without being (...) exposed to any external intervention, and to analyze the narration in terms of reliability and indication within the integrity of the isnād-text. In that case, when the word “text criticism” is mentioned, an understanding of a specific criticism should come to mind, which includes both critical edition (scholarly editing) of the first source and the critique of the narration by making sound research in terms of isnād and literary criticism (naqd al-isnād wa-l-matn). Due to reasons such as the inability to follow a standard method, the limited number of the copies and/or the distance of the copies from the author in terms of history and commercial concerns, many classical works published with relative verification contain such errors require a re-examination. One of these works is Ibn Hibbān’s (d. 354/965) book al-Majrūhīn. In his work al-Majrūhīn, Ibn Hibbān divided the narrators into two groups according to their reliability and collected the ones that he determined as weak according to his opinion. In this work, he placed Abū Ḥanīfa (d. 150/767) at the top of the list. First, he denounced Abū Ḥanīfa with the following expressions: Sahib al-ra’y, child of slaves, bicker, hypocrite, had little knowledge of hadith, a Murji’ī propagandist, a narrator who was blamed by imams. Then he tried to justify these claims by about thirty narrations from various salaf scholars. These narratives are completely different from the largely intellecutal discussions and criticisms of scholars such as al-Awza'i (d. 157/774), Ibn Abī Laylā (d. 148/765) and Ibn Abī Shayba (d. 235/849) on Abu Ḥanīfa and his school. The narrations compiled by Ibn Hibbān are display insulting and polemical narrations against Abu Ḥanīfa’s personality and reliability. In terms of being a source for later periods, it is important to examine and criticize these narratives in terms of the narration techniques. The al-jarḥ wa-l-taʿdīl is important part of the hadith science. al-Mejrūhīn, one of the leading works of this science is remarkable in many respects. According to this narration Abū Ḥanīfa Nuʿmān b. S̱ābit b. Zūtā b. Māh’ın (öl. 150/767) said, "If a man worships this mule to get closer to Allah, I see no harm in it." According to our analysis, there are the following determinations about the narrators in the chain of this narrative. Ibn Abī Mushir is unknown (majhūl), the narrator who is written as “Mahfūz b. Abī Savba” but his correct name is “Tawba” is matrūk. Ahmad b. al-Walīd al-Mahramī al-Karkhī is weak, and Yahyā b. Hamza, source person, is qadari who narrates from people with munkar al-hadith; but is also considered as a thiḳa narrator. As for Sa‘īd b. Abd al-Azīz, he has nothing to do with the reception and transmission of the narrative. In addition, there is also a break in the chain. First of all, what is expected from a basic work such as al-Majrūhīn, whose subject and purpose is purely a narrator analysis, is that the report in it should be acceptable, at least in terms of isnād. When the narrative in question, which is also included in earlier sources such as al-Fesewī (d. 277/890), is evaluated in terms of both the isnād and the text, one realizes the transformation of an expression circulating in the form of gossip against Abu Ḥanīfa in Damascus around the subject of ʾirjāʾ. ʾIrjāʾ was at the forefront of the heated debates in the second half of the second century into semā form in terms of isnād and text, besides, the word النعل/clog is transformed into البغل/mule. Apart from the weak points of the chain, Sa‘īd b. Abd al-Azīz, who has nothing to do with the reception and transmission of the narrative, has also been turned into the narrator/source of the report with the samā expression. Regardless of the purpose and the criteria of the narration technically, during the conversation with Sa‘īd, Yahyā b. Hamza’s sincere friend and teacher, a special speech in which a common report attributed to Abu Ḥanīfa was expressed, was transformed into Yahyâ’s samā‘ in the form of jazm. As a result, the word “shoe” or “clog” has evolved into mule. It would be a reductionist and over optimistic approach to assume that all this may have resulted from tashīf and tahrīf of the copyists. The narration we discussed is a typical example in terms of showing the effect of the conflict of ideas between Ahl al-Hadīth and Ahl ar-Ra’y on the narrations. Of course, this shoud be not regarded as the only example. (shrink)

Kur’ân ve hadislerde geçen müteşâbih ifadelerin nasıl anlaşılacağına dair kelâm geleneğinde ciddi tartışmalar yaşanmış ve farklı ekollere mensup âlimler tarafından birçok eser yazılmıştır. Mâtürîdî bir âlim olan Nâsırüddîn es-Semerkandî de bu çalışmada tenkitli neşri sunulan Fethu’l-ğalak fi’t-tevhîd adlı eseri kaleme almıştır. Günümüze ulaşan Arapça elyazması Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi Fatih koleksiyonunda 3142 demirbaş numarasıyla bulunmaktadır. Bildiğimiz kadarıyla bu alanda müstakil olarak kaleme alınmış olup günümüze ulaşan tek Mâtürîdî eser olma özelliğine sahiptir. Akıl ve şeriatten hareketle yapılması gerektiğini savunduğu te’vîlin belirli ilkeler çerçevesinde (...) özellikle de luğavî anlamın dışına çıkmadan müteşâbih ifadelerin muhkemlere hamlederek yapılması gerektiğini belirtmektedir. Bu noktada çizdiği çerçevede olmayan ve uç noktalar olarak gördüğü Bâtinîlerin ve Hanbelîlerin te’vîl anlayışlarını da eleştirmektedir. Müteşâbih ifadeleri te'vîl etmeyi uygun gören Mâtürîdî-Hanefî geleneğin yaklaşımını ortaya koymasının yanında geç bir dönemde yazılan eser bu konuda ele alınan ifadelerin yorumuna dair zengin ve bilgilendirici bir içerik sunmakta ve müteşâbihlerin bütünsel anlaşılması yönünde imkân sağlamaktadır. Bu çalışma kapsamında müteşâbihe dair bir giriş, es-Semerkândî’nin hayatı ve eserin tenkitli neşri dikkatlere sunulacaktır. (shrink)

In this work, the author deals with the source of Ottoman Family Law, its application examples and its transformation adventure, together with theory, based on court records in different cities. It reflects the examples of the concrete side of the practical applications of Islamic family law, the Hanafi sect in particular, reflected in the registers in the Ottoman Empire. In general, the application is in accord with the views in fiqh sources. However, the views in the fürû sources of the (...) Ḥanafī sect on some controversial issues caused difficulties in practice. In order to eliminate the troubled situations, the state power sought a solution by intervening with kanunnâme, adâletnâme and fermans at the request of Sheikh al-Islam. In addition to these records regarding the implementation of Islamic family law, the book also includes, the observations and notes of travelers, ambassadors and researchers who had been in the Ottoman country. Particular emphasis is placed on the parts that reflect the contradiction. The subject in the book is examined two parts as Classical Period and Ottoman Family Law in post-Tanzimat. In second chapter, it is stated that a radical change was made in the Islamic/Ottoman family law by including the views of four sects with the preparation of Hukûk-ı Aile Kararnamesi. (shrink)

Pese al auge de la Justicia Restaurativa y la variedad de herramientas existentes, se encuentran pocas referencias de la participación de víctimas menores de edad en estas, salvando aquellos casos atendidos por el sistema de Justicia Juvenil. No se encuentran, sin embargo, prohibiciones en este sentido, salvo en violencia de género, lo que invita a reflexionar sobre sobre posibles bondades y obstáculos en la participación de víctimas menores de edad en estas prácticas.

La legge della fiducia. Alle radici del diritto, constituye una propuesta de comprensión del Derecho y, al mismo tiempo, una invitación a la reflexión sobre su significado y sentido. En estas breves reflexiones se abordan algunas de las cuestiones sobre las que el libro te invita a reflexionar y se plantean algunas dudas que suscita la propuesta de Tommaso Greco.

Sayda Piskoposu Rahip Pavlus Antâkî’nin Hıristiyan Mezheplerinin inanç esaslarını konu edinen risalesinin el yazması, Saint Petersburg’daki Rusya Bilimler Akademisi, Doğu Yazmalar Enstitüsü Kütüphanesinde bulunmaktadır. Envanter nosu B1218 olup 1b-9b arası varaklarda yer almaktadır. Çevirisi yapılan risalede, İslam’ın kutsal kitabı olan Kur’an-ı Kerim’den hareketle Hıristiyanlığı ve onun teolojisini açıklanmakta ve Müslümanların Hıristiyanlık anlayışı eleştirilmektedir. Risale, Hıristiyan teolojisinin esası olan teoloji, kristoloji ve marioloji konularını içermektedir. Ortaçağda İbn Teymiyye’nin “el-Cevabu’s-sahih limen beddele dine’l-Mesih” ismiyle reddiye yazdığı Sayda Piskoposu Rahip Pavlus Antakî tarafından kaleme (...) alınan apolojik risalede, Müslümanların Hıristiyan teolojisi başta olmak üzere çeşitli konulardaki görüşleri eleştirilmekte ve Melkiyye yaklaşımından hareketle Hıristiyanlığın temel doktrini açıklanmaya ve savunulmaya çalışılmaktadır. (shrink)

This study utilises higher objectives postulated in Islamic moral economy or themaqasid al-Shari’ahtheoretical framework’s novel approach in evaluating the ethical, social, environmental and financial performance of Islamic banks.Maqasid al-Shari’ahis interpreted as achieving social good as a consequence in addition to well-being and, hence, it goes beyond traditional (voluntary) social responsibility. This study also explores the major determinants that affectmaqasidperformance as expressed through disclosure analysis. By expanding the traditionalmaqasid al-Shari’ah,, we develop a comprehensive evaluation framework in the form of amaqasidindex, which (...) is subjected to a rigorous disclosure analysis. Furthermore, in identifying the main determinants of themaqasiddisclosure performance, panel data analysis is used by including several key variables alongside political and socio-economic environment, ownership structures, and corporate andShari’ahgovernance-related factors. The sample includes 33 full-fledged Islamic banks from 12 countries for the period of 2008–2016. The findings show that although during the nine-year period the disclosure ofmaqasidperformance of the sampled Islamic banks has improved, this is still short of ‘best practices’. Through panel data analysis, this study finds that the Muslim population indicator, CEO duality,Shari’ahgovernance, and leverage variables positively impact the disclosure ofmaqasidperformance. However, the effect of GDP, financial development and human development index of the country, its political and civil rights, institutional ownership, and a higher share of independent directors have an overall negative impact on themaqasidperformance. The findings reported in this study identify complex and multi-faceted relations between external market realities, corporate andShari’ahgovernance mechanisms, andmaqasidperformance. (shrink)

RESUMEN: Este artículo analiza el sentido e implicaciones del Artículo 12 de la Convención Internacional sobre los Derechos de las Personas con Discapadad a la luz de la Observación General Nº1 de su Comité y se centra en determinar su impacto en el régimen general de atribución de personalidad y capacidad jurídica y en el ámbito del Derecho Privado y de Familia del Estado de Qatar. ABSTRACT: This paper analyzes the meaning and implications of Article 12 of the International Convention (...) on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities in the light of the General Comment No. 1 of its Committee. It focuses on determining the impact of this General Comment to the general regime of personality and capacity attribution in the field of Private law and Family law on Qatar. PALABRAS CLAVE: capacidad jurídica, CDPD, derecho privado, legislación qatarí. KEYWORDS: legal capacity – CRPD – private law – Qatari legislation. (shrink)

En este trabajo se lleva a cabo un estudio filosófico-jurídico del derecho al debido proceso reconocido en el artículo 24 de la Constitución Española, a fin de adaptarlo a la Era algorítmica. Para la consecución de este objetivo, el trabajo se divide en tres puntos. En el primero se hará un repaso por la historia y la fundamentación jurídica del debido proceso en el sistema jurídico español. En el segundo se considerarán las garantías y los principios que habrían de conformar (...) un derecho al debido proceso tecnológico, derecho necesario en esta nuestra Era algorítmica. Por último, a modo de conclusión, se adelantará una propuesta de inclusión constitucional de los principios y garantías tecnológicas descritas. (shrink)

Active shooter incidents have unfortunately become a common occurrence the world over. There is no country, city, or venue that is safe from these tragedies, and healthcare institutions are no exception. Healthcare facilities have been the targets of active shooters over the last several decades, with increasing incidents occurring over the last decade. People who work in healthcare have a professional and moral obligation to help patients. As concerns about the possibility of such incidents increase, how should healthcare institutions and (...) healthcare professionals understand their responsibilities in preparation for and during ASI? (shrink)

On dawah pattern of Yusuf Abul Mahasin Tajul Khalwati al-Maqassariy al Bantaniy, an ulama from Makassar.

A través de la documentación conservada y de una reflexión sobre la cronología, es posible descubrir la existencia de un proyecto político de al-Ghazālī y su discípulo andalusí, Abū Bakr Ibn al-‛Arabī, con el propósito de ganar para al-Gazālī el favor del príncipe almorávide Yūsuf b. Tāšufīn. Los documentos que prueban la existencia de este proyecto se conocían desde hace algún tiempo: la fatwà que al-Gazālī escribió en apoyo de Yūsuf, la carta que le escribió en alabanza de Abū Bakr (...) Ibn al-‛Arabī y la carta que obtuvo del califa, todo lo cual puede compararse con la carta de al-Ṭurṭūšī a Yūsuf sobre los mismos asuntos. La idea que pone todo esto en conexión es que se trataba de un proyecto político con apoyo en la Península, sobre todo de los sufíes y de la elite de los reyes de Taifas. Los escritos de al-Gazālī suministraron una base ideológica a esta alianza política, puesto que alaban el sufismo y critican el taqlīd, la forma usual de interpretar la ley entre los juristas de la jerarquía almorávide. El discurso de al-Gazālī, muy por encima del nivel intelectual del jurista medio, se aceptó finalmente por la elite de los periodos califal y taifa que tenía interés en las ciencias naturales, la filosofía griega y la lógica. Estos temas eran innacesibles para el jurista medio, bien porque no procuraban un provecho inmediato, bien por la dificultad práctica de encontrar libros y profesores expertos en ellos. Por tanto, fue una elite intelectual conocedora del árabe clásico y heredera de las adquisiciones intelectuales de muchas generaciones de andalusíes la que se apropió del discurso gazaliano. Frente a ese grupo, los juristas almorávides representaban a las clases medias urbanas y podían movilizar a su favor a las masas urbanas. El más importante de esos juristas, Ibn Ḥamdīn de Córdoba, temeroso de que la combinación de Ibn al-‛Arabī y al-Gazālī le expulsara del poder, orquestó la quema oficial del Iḥyā' de al-Gazālī por todo el país. Así es posible observar que el conflicto entre esos dos grupos estaba bien definido incluso antes de que la rebelión almohade en el Norte de África proporcionase a la elite intelectual un adalid militar. A cambio, esa elite suministró a los Almohades una ideología y una clase administrativa. Al-Gazālī fue identificado como un enemigo del régimen almorávide incluso antes de que Ibn Tūmart, el fundador del movimiento almohade, volviese de Oriente para lanzar su rebelión contra los almorávides desde el Atlas.Proponemos algunos cambios en el panorama de las estancias de al-Gazālī en diferentes momentos. Se ha aceptado ya una modificación básica de la idea de que abandonó Bagdad definitivamente tras dejar de dar clases a gran número de personas en la Nizāmīya, al observarse que Abū Bakr Ibn al-‛Arabī afirma haber estudiado con él en Bagdad dos años después. Aquí querríamos llamar la atención sobre el hecho de que Ibn Jallikān dice que al-Gazālī estuvo en Alejandría esperando una respuesta de Yusuf b. Tāšufīn. En el contexto de un panorama cambiante de la cronología de los viajes de al-Gazālī, la posibilidad de que Ibn Tūmart estuviera en contacto con él se convierte en una probabilidad. (shrink)

Rivals in the Gulf is a tale of two men in two cities—and much more. David H. Warren skillfully probes and answers questions about geopolitics and the nature of.

This article aims to investigate and analyze Yusuf b. Muhammad Jān al-Karabāghī's (d. 1035/1626) treatise in which he discusses some issues related to existence (wujūd) and the Necessary Being (wājib al-wujūd). This study aims to bring this treatise of al-Karabāghī, which has not been studied yet, into the literature of the history of Islamic thought by investigating and analyzing its content. There is no information about Yusuf al-Karabāghī's birthplace and education in bio-bibliographical sources. It is known that he wrote works (...) in the fields of tafsīr and theology (kalām). Some of his works are Erbau' Ta'līkātin fi't-Tafsīr, Risāla fi'l-Mubāḥasa allatī waka'at fī surat al-Fath bayna al-ulamā, Hāshiya 'alā Sharhi'l-Aqā'id al-Adudiyya, Sharḥ Risāla Ithbāt al-wājib li al-Dawwānī. Three copies of this treatise, which is the subject of this study, have been identified in manuscript libraries. The first of these copies is listed as MS 791 in Selimiye Manuscript Library, the second is listed as MS 1210 in Suleymaniye Library, Carullah Efendi Collection, and the third is listed as 1960 in Suleymaniye Library, Manuscript Donations Collection. Among the mentioned copies, the copy registered in Selimiye Library ms. no 791 was preferred as the main one in the analysis both because it is very clear and readable, and because of the scribes’s collation note in the ferağ record. This is because the scribe wrote this copy in correspondence with other copies that existed in his period but have not survived to the present day. The author does not explicitly mention the name of this treatise in the introduction. In the introductory part of the treatise, he states that he has collected topics that will serve as a remedy for finding the right thought. When its content is analyzed, it is understood that the treatise includes some issues related to existence (wujūd) and especially the Necessary Being (wājib al-wujūd). It is seen that the author followed a different method in the treatise. Yusuf al-Qarabāghī divided the treatise into seven chapters, which he called "halwa". He also added subheadings to each section, sometimes one and sometimes two, which he called "waqf". In these sub-headings he added to each section, he included the views of a thinker who is an authority on the subject he examined. In the treatise, the author examines the methods of demonstration such as burhān al- tatbīq, burhān al- tazāyuf, burhān al-sullamī and concepts such as revolution, succession, wujūd, wājib al-wujūd, possible, qadīm, hadīth, cause, ma'lūl, complete cause, nūr, zulm, al-ālam al-misālī, berzāh, and juz al lā yetajjazā (jawhar al-fard). In this framework, he discusses Karabāğī's proof of the existence of the Necessary Being through the cancellation of the vicious circle and infinite regression (tasalsul), the unity of the Necessary Being (tawḥīd), the relation between essence and attribute, and the attribute of knowledge of the Necessary Being. As a result, in this treatise, Yusuf al-Karabāghī analyzed some debates and views on existence (wujūd) and the concept of Necessary Being, which is an important issue in the tradition of Islamic thought, employing his unique methodological approach. (shrink)

Yūsuf al-Nabhānī (d. 1932) became famous in the world of science with many works he wrote in the fields of Hadith and Kalam. On the other hand, he is a person who has proven himself with his works and poems in the field of madīh nabawī. For this reason, he was also referred to as Hassān and Busīrī of the period in which he lived. His diwan named al-Sābiqātu'l-jiyād fī madhi seyyidi'l-'ibād is an important work that contains the poems he (...) sang in the type of prophetic madīh nabawī. The divan in question consists of ten couplet odes in which each letter of the alphabet is determined as a rhyme. In these odes, which he wrote to express his love for the Prophet and for some other religious reasons, the influence of classical Arabic poetry and especially Būsīrī can be found. Mystical thought also has a great influence on the poems of Yūsuf al-Nabhānī. As a matter of fact, the narration of the Prophet in his poems is generally shaped in line with the concept of al-Haqīqa al-Muhammedī/al-Nūr al-Muhammedî. In this study, Yūsuf al-Nabhānī will be discussed as a madīh nabawī poet within the framework of his divan. In this context, the content and stylistic structure of his poems will be examined in the axis of literary criteria, and the effect of mystical thought on his poems will be tried to be explained in general terms. (shrink)

Subsequent to the crystallization of the legal schools, Muslim jurists felt the need to consolidate the massive corpus of legal opinion in order to aid students and practitioners of the law. The result was legal maxims, concise theoretical statements that captured the objectives of the Sharia. An example is al-ḍarar yuzāl, which is based on the hadith lā ḍarar wa-lā ḍirār. This article analyzes the role of legal maxims in Yūsuf al-Qaraḍāwī’s jurisprudence and fatwas, as found in his numerous (...) books and articles. Its preliminary assumption is that Qaraḍāwī uses legal maxims to control and systematize the use of considerations of public welfare, especially in the field of “the jurisprudence of reality”. Because this fiqh deals mainly with political topics on which there are hardly any guidelines in scripture, and stems therefore from mostly nontextual benefits, it is an area vulnerable to undisciplined use of utilitarian considerations by jurists. Legal maxims then come in handy when weighing the relevant benefit and harm related to each topic. (shrink)